Main problem of House of Lords

Main problem of House of Lords The cure for admiring the House of Lords was to go and look at it[1] recalled Walter Bagehot in 1867. The problems associated with the upper house have undergone three periods of reform since that time, with regard to both its powers and its composition. The two are, of course, interconnected but composition is perhaps the more fundamental of the two, since the composition of the Lords, and therefore its perceived degree of democratic legitimacy, largely determines the power it should legitimately wield. One therefore needs to examine the problems created by the current composition of the Lords, and to evaluate whether there exists a more preferable alternative to the status quo. Yet in order to do that, it is necessary to determine what role the House of Lords should fulfil in the political process. The role of the second chamber in a bicameral legislature varies from country to country, but in the UK the House of Lords should seek to fulfil three separate constitutional functions. Firstly, it should act as a delaying device on government legislation. This is not to say it should always seek to amend, or even reject, proposals that arrive from the lower house, but rather it should simply offer an opportunity of time for the public to become aware of the proposals and their consequences, as well as permitting various interest groups the time to reflect and to mobilise their lobbies in response to any objections they might seek to raise. Lastly, as Archer argues succinctly, such a delaying function as fulfilled by the Lords protects the law from an ephemeral rush to judgement in response to a particular dramatic event[2]. The second role that the House of Lords should undertake is to scrutinise government legislative proposals in more detail than is currently achieved by the House of Commons or its standing committees. Evidence suggests that such standing committees are sparsely attended and frequently omit large sections of a given bill from detailed examination[3], and therefore the Lords fulfil a vital role in ensuring that the legislative program is thoroughly examined. As a result of the Life Peerages Act of 1957, it is now not unreasonable to argue that the Lords is more abundantly equipped with technical expertise than the lower chamber and, as such, bills may be improved by revision. This is particularly necessary where proposals have been subjected in the Commons to amendments drafted in haste by government ministers, in response to criticisms and compromises from both MPs and outside interest groups. This charge of rapidly imposing an ill-thought-out legislative agenda is one that is frequen tly levelled at the New Labour government, whose ambitions have led to an unprecedented number of new bills being forced through Parliament across different parliamentary sessions. Finally, the upper chamber must seek to protect those constitutional principles which are fundamental to our democracy. The Parliament Act of 1911 removed the absolute veto over legislation which the Lords had previously enjoyed, entirely deprived the Lords of its powers over any bill certified by the Speaker as a money bill and introduced the idea of a suspensory veto whereby any law passed in three (later two post 1949) successive sessions would receive Royal Assent regardless of Lords objections. Yet the Lords continue to retain certain absolute powers. Perhaps most importantly, it remains able to reject any bills proposing to extend the life of Parliament beyond the statutory five years. In addition to this fundamental right, the House of Lords consent is required by a government seeking the dismissal of a High Court judge, Appeal Court judge or a judge of the new Supreme Court. The upper chamber thus offers some protection against a government seeking to subvert either the elect oral or the judicial process. This function of constitutional protection, although limited, is nevertheless of great importance, since Britain lacks a codified constitution guaranteeing regular elections and the independence of the judiciary. Without the House of Lords therefore, there would be a dangerous gap in the political system; it is the only body which can prevent a transient majority in the House of Commons from extending its own life or dismissing a judge whom the government finds inconvenient. In order to fulfil these roles effectively, Alexandra Kelso[4] argues that any upper chamber in a liberal democracy must be considered legitimate. In order to be legitimate, she argues that the chamber must have input legitimacy, and output legitimacy. The former stems from the control exercised by the public in determining [the chambers] nature and composition, while the latter concerns the degree to which the institution performs its particular functions within the broader political system and meets the needs of the public (ie, those requirements detailed in the three roles listed previously). Clearly, the House of Lords in its present state, having undergone the reforms of 1999, suffers from input illegitimacy. Despite the removal of the vast majority of hereditary peers, that 92 still retain their seats in the upper chamber must strike any impartial observer as an anomaly; no modern day parliamentary system can claim democratic legitimacy at a time when members of the legislature owe their positions to an accident of birth. There are arguments proposed in their defence which insist that by virtue of their entrenched positions, they are less likely to be affected by short-term political decisions and as such can propose solutions which are of benefit to the country in the long term. Yet such problems are already resolved by the Life Peerages Act of 1957, which allowed government to nominate life peers who would be as equally unaffected by such short-term thinking. Hereditary peers were evidently aware of their limited legitimacy in objecting to legislation emanating from a democratically elected chamber, for the frequency of rebellion against the commons prior to 1999 was relatively low. However, since their removal, the propensity of the upper chamber to reject both bills and amendments has markedly increased, as the newly reformed house clearly now sees itself as more democratically legitimate. According to the Constitution Unit at University College, Lond on, the Lords rejected clauses put forward by the commons a total of more than 350 times in between 1999 and 2007[5]. Furthermore, a vote to oppose government legislation cannot be carried by one party alone anymore in the way that it could when the Conservatives enjoyed a majority in the Lords; the upper houses verdicts nowadays, therefore, carry more weight. Around 40% of the defeats that the government has suffered since 1999 have been accepted by the government[6]. Further input illegitimacy could also be argued to be evident in the right of Church of England officials to sit in the Lords. The objection is straightforward: why should the claim of the church to representation be greater than that of any other interest group? In an increasingly secular age, it is persuasive to argue that no religious group should be entitled to such representation. Alternatively, were one to reject such secular reasoning, then one must accept that provision should also be made for the representation of other churches and religions. How, then, to solve the problem of input illegitimacy? The Royal Commission on Reform for the House of Lords was required, by its terms of reference, to have regard to the need to maintain the position of the House of Commons as the pre-eminent chamber of Parliament'[7]. This essay wholeheartedly agrees with this principle, but in so doing seeks to argue that as a direct result of this term of reference, the upper chamber cannot include any representatives that are directly elected. This does not necessarily compromise Kelsos input legitimacy requirement however, providing that one were to accept that representatives are still democratically legitimate even if not elected directly. If the upper house were to be 100% appointed by party leaders and the crossbench peers by the Independent Appointments Commission, the make-up of which lies in the hands of democratically elected leaders in the House of Commons, then input legitimacy could be maintained. The principle that no party should gain an overall majority should also be retained. Furthermore, peers that were appointed for the express purpose of fulfilling a government role, such as Lord Adonis or Lord Sugar, should relinquish their seats in the upper house when their services are no longer required in the role for which they were appointed. Should they feel that they are able to offer further service to Parliament, they could request their names be put forward for a more permanent position by the party leaders, or else hope to be nominated by the Appointments Commission. It is of course tempting to argue for an elected element to the upper chamber, but one quickly falls into the traps illustrated by Bogdanor[8]: briefly, a fully or majority elected chamber risks being more legitimate than the House of Commons, both as a result of the electoral system used, the terms of representation and timing of an election; furthermore, such a chamber would also suffer from the lack of technical expertise that so helps the current House of Lords hold the Commons and government legislation to account; a minority elected chamber risks subsiding into a two-tier chamber, whereby it might be felt that democratically elected representatives have a higher degree of legitimacy than their appointed counterparts. This essay maintains therefore that the only attractive option for House of Lords reform is to maintain a 100% appointed chamber, while removing any remaining hereditary peers, as well as those representing the Church of England, from the chamber. Having made a proposition as to the most preferable composition of the Lords, and argued that it confers to Kelsos definition of input legitimacy, one must proceed to output legitimacy, and examine the case for reform with regard to the powers of the upper house. In order to justify reform from the status quo, one must persuasively argue that an upper chamber formed along the lines outlined above either would not have sufficient power to fulfil the roles expected of it, or else so much power as to lead to a danger of the Lords becoming more powerful than the Commons. The reformed, more-legitimate Lords would be able to continue to delay legislation, although it is important that its powers remain limited to a suspensory veto. The directly elected house must never be perpetually constrained by one which is not directly elected. Secondly, a house which is 100% appointed, with a greater number of cross-bench peers, would be able to fulfil the second function, scrutiny of government legi slation, to a higher standard than before. Given that the suspensory veto would be maintained, this too is a positive step which would not grant the Lords undue power. Finally, providing that the current absolute rights of the Lords are maintained, the upper chamber would be able to continue to fulfil its final constitutional role. Output legitimacy is maintained. The composition of the upper house will always have a direct result on the legitimate use of its powers. The current House of Lords lacks input legitimacy as a result of the continued presence of both hereditary peers and representatives of the Church of England. Furthermore, the gift of a life peerage allows recipients to act largely with impunity, while the House is also in danger of becoming a graveyard of ex-government employees. The introduction of a term limit could solve the first problem, while forcing government ministers in the Lords to stand down following completion of their role could solve the second. By only slightly amending the Lords composition, then, one can confer input legitimacy House of Lords, which would in turn make the use of the powers of the House, already sufficient for the completion of its constitutional duties, both more effective and more legitimate. Lords Save Us, The Economist, 2002 P Archer, The House of Lords, Past, Present Future, Political Quarterly 1999 P Dorey, 1949, 1969, 1999: The Labour Party and the House of Lords Reform, Parliamentary Affairs 2006 A Kelso, Reforming the House of Lords, Parliamentary Affairs 2006 House of Lords: post-reform, Constitution Unit, University College London, 2007 V Bogdanor, The New British Constitution, 2009 A House for the Future: Report from the Royal Commission on Reform of the House of Lords, HMSO, 2000 V Bogdanor, Reform of the House of Lords: A Sceptical View, Political Quarterly 1999.

Mexican Folk Music: El Corrido Essay -- Music, Oral Folk History

During the late 19th century and early 20th century, a form of Mexican folk music called the corrido gained popularity along the Mexico-Texan border (Saldà ­var). Growing from the Spanish romance tradition, the corrido is a border ballad â€Å"that arose chronicling the history of border conflicts and its effects on Mexican-Mexican culture† (Saldà ­var). A sort of â€Å"oral folk history,† the corrido was studied intensely by Amà ©rico Paredes, who then constructed his masterpiece, George Washington Gomez, around the â€Å"context and theme† of the corrido (Mendoza 146). But the novel is not a traditional corrido, in which the legendary hero defends his people and dies for his honor. Instead, through its plot, characterization, and rhetorical devices, George Washington Gomez is an anti-corrido. The corrido has been identified as having distinctive characteristics that make up its theme and plot. First, the corrido has a â€Å"context of hostile relations between Anglos and Mexicans along the border and the establishment of a scenic structure, geographical locale, and opposing social forces† (Mendoza 146). The corrido’s hero â€Å"is a hard-working, peace-loving Mexican, who, when goaded by Anglos, outrages into violence, causing him to defend his rights and those of others of his community against the rinches, the Rangers† (Saldà ­var). This hero â€Å"is quickly introduced in legendary proportions and defiant stature† and many people must die before the hero reaches his triumphant, but tragic, demise (Mendoza 146). The Anglos in the corrido, meanwhile, are not one-dimensional villains but â€Å"complex figures who contain positive as well as negative qualities† (Mendoza 146). These distinctive traits of a corrido – setting, confli ct, and characterization, among others – ... ...l. â€Å"Ge-or-ge,’ she called in an exaggerated Gringo accent. He looked back. Tears were running down her rigid, expressionless face. ‘Cabron!’ she said. ‘Vendido sanavabiche!’† (Paredes 294) In this way, George – no longer Guà ¡nlito – has politically and culturally betrayed his people, and â€Å"is not is not the tragic hero who has died in defense of his people† (Mendoza 148). In conclusion, through its plot, characterization, and rhetorical devices such as tone, George Washington Gomez is an anti-corrido. However, it must be said that perhaps in its purpose as an anti-corrido, the novel is a corrido. In telling the story of Guà ¡nlito, the anti-hero of the Mexicotexans, perhaps Paredes is singing the readers his own border ballad, an ironic, cautionary tale to the Chicanos to remember who they are and where they came from and to resist, always, as a corrido hero would.

Role of Social Media on Activism and Revolution

Janessa Suarez Prof. Mooney ENC 1102 1 February 2013 Role of Social Media in Activism and Revolution According to Jeffrey Strain, â€Å"Can a click make a difference in the world? By itself, probably not, but when combined with tens and even hundreds of thousands of other clicks, it may just have an impact†. Social networks such as Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube have changed the way people interact all across the globe. We depend on these social networks to seek information and communicate with one another.With these social networks, people from all across the world are able to find out about any ongoing events or incidents by just a click of a button. Individuals can use these social networks to increase awareness of events and get their information across to friends, family and even strangers. Even though people believe we depend too much on the Internet, social media should be used because it benefits us and those around us. For starters, social media, such as YouTube, chan ges public awareness. It gives people a chance to view tragedies and help make a difference to those who have been affected by them.For example, there is a video called â€Å"Bully†, which is a documentary about kids all over the world who are bullied today. It’s a form of activism because through this video, which can be found on YouTube, people from all over the world can become aware of this problem and help change their and others’ behavior. As Monika Hathaway says, â€Å"The fundamental problem and benefit is that the Internet gives everyone a voice, regardless of whether or not we think it should be heard†. Watching videos can be more effective than words because as humans we grasp visual imagery better than we do words.For an audience, it’s more powerful and influential to view a shameful situation, such as bullying, rather than just hearing or reading about it. Another way social media has played an immense role in activism today is by expa nding word of mouth communication. Ben Rattray, the founder of Change. org said, â€Å"If the Internet didn’t exist, Barack Obama would not be president of the United States†. Why does he say this? Because without the Internet, Obama would not have been able to gather thousands of people to work together for change.Through Twitter and Facebook Obama was able to expose his campaign to millions of people and attract a greater number of voters. Using social media, news reporters, writers, and even your family and friends are able to write their opinions or fill you in on what may you have missed or didn’t notice about events such as the presidential debates. Social media also increases word of mouth communication because it gives others who may not know about a business or even a restaurant a chance to review information and feedback. For example, Facebook is key in communicating with clients.It gives them the opportunity to â€Å"Like† a page, â€Å"Shareà ¢â‚¬  a page, or even recommend a page to other people. Twitter can be used to sponsor deals and events and give advice to other business owners or people who share common interest. It brings great minds together and gives daily opportunities to learn from someone else’s perspective. (English, How Do You Increase Word of Mouth) Lastly, as mentioned in Rutledge’s, Four Ways Social Media is Redefining Activism, social media networks cross technologies (which means with the help of other types of technology people can exchange information) and have immediate impact that gives information urgency.Because of this, social media benefits different organizations such as Breast Cancer Awareness, Hand in Hand for Haiti, and Support our Troops. With the crossing of technologies it encourages people to take immediate action for things like fundraising, helping groups raise donations. Utilizing social media can spread the word and drive people to help. Overall, not only can indivi duals with the same interest and passion share and connect, but they can also partake in causes that can support and help one another.We are closely brought together through this electric technology, encountering people who we’d never really thought about having any interaction with. As Allison Fine, the co-author of The Networked Nonprofit says, â€Å"In every effective social change effort that you want to look at there is an inner-core of tightly bound people†. Social media not only gives us a voice but it gives us the opportunity to show others what we are capable of accomplishing and what we can do to make a difference in the world. Works Cited Hathaway, Monika. â€Å"The Role of Social Media in Activism. † Sterling Communications.Sterlingpr. com, 25 Oct. 2011. Web. 17 Feb. 2013. â€Å"How Do You Increase Word of Mouth? † 5 Star Radio Group Clarksville TN Marketing and Advertising RSS. N. p. , n. d. Web. 01 Feb. 2013. Kessler, Sarah. â€Å"Mashable. † Mashable. Mashable, 9 Oct. 2010. Web. 17 Feb. 2013. â€Å"Mashable. † Mashable. N. p. , n. d. Web. 01 Feb. 2013. Rutledge, Pamela B. â€Å"Four Ways Social Media Is Redefining Activism. † Psychology Today. Positively Media, 6 Oct. 2010. Web. 1 Feb. 2013. Strain, Jeffrey. â€Å"A Different Type of Activism. † Technorati Social Media. Technorati. com, 2 May 2012. Web. 17 Feb. 2013.

Literary Criticism Of Edgar Allan Poe - 1499 Words

Literary criticism Usually, fairy tales are in connection to big and illustrious happy endings. But in Edgar Allan Poe’s case, it is evident that they do not exist, for his stories more often than not bear a grotesque demeanor. His life was surrounded by death. All of the women in his life died young, including his mother, sister, and wife. By the age of three, he had experienced what most would not experience until nearly the middle or end of their lives. Living in such an atmosphere allowed Poe to reach deep into his emotions when writing. Edgar Allan Poe was known for his macabre metaphors. These metaphors challenged the reader to endeavor themselves into his simple words; coming to find the gothic elements portrayed. He most commonly portrayed love and death in his poems. Poe is even credited with contributing to the emerging genre of science fiction. Edgar Allan Poe utilizes symbolism and portrays an envious love tale, ending in tragedy to expose the speaker’ s emotional state in the poem â€Å"Annabel Lee.† â€Å"We loved with a love that was more than love† (Poe). Poe’s Annabel Lee portrays a protagonist who is in grievance about the death of his love, Annabel Lee. The poem focuses on an ideal love, one that extended further than physical boundaries. Although the story seems to be told years after loss of the maiden, the tone in the speaker’s voice has a grim emphasis of Annabel’s death, which suggests that it truly does oppress him. Poe does not describe theShow MoreRelatedEdgar Allan Poe; Fame Inspired by a Tragic Life865 Words   |  4 Pagespoet, Edgar Allan Poe, had been plagued by grief from an early age. He was an amazing poet and author who just happened to have a darker story. Many who have studied this prestigious man feel that his works, though magnificent, were extremely dark. 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