Distributed Deadlock Detection: Mobile Device Processes Essay

The increasing utilization of mobile devices for development in application usually emphasizes or breaches customary computing methods. A number of obtainable problem solutions, for instance deadlock prevention and avoidance or leader election, are not fitted to situations where clients and servers equally move without restraint all over the network. The free movement of these applications creates interfaces and new events for distributed algorithms and functions that are customarily of no concern. The basic structures of a number of conventional distributed algorithms depend on suppositions, such as location of information, message transmittal and static network properties. The mobility of clients and servers in mobile device systems undermine these basic assumptions. Merely imposing conventional methods of solving problems into the mobile device systems alters the dynamic character of their environments by enforcing limitations, such as restricting device mobility. In effect, new efficient and effective methods for solving distributed issues are needed affecting mobile device systems. In a number of distributed applications there are complicated links between services and information. Mobile devices usually condense services and information like objects in OO (object oriented) programming, expanding and augmenting information and service link by including movement to information and services. In general, mobile devices such as those engaging consensus, transfer of data and database processing distribution must be each other well coordinated to offer services and information access. The advanced synchronization needed in these mobile device-based applications can result to multifarious, complex deadlock scenarios that must be identified and given solution. Conventional deadlock distribution setups are not successful when device mobility and errors are included to the requirement of deadlock resolution. What is more, because of their assumptions, conventional methods such as edge chasing on the global wait-for graph, are insufficient solutions in a mobile device structure. A solution should be developed to address the customary problem of resolution and deadlock detection for mobile device systems. What is Deadlock Deadlock is formally defined as: â€Å"A set of processes is deadlocked if each process in the set is waiting for an event that only another process in the set can cause. † In other words, deadlocks can happen every time limited resources are being competed by processes and these processes are permitted to obtain and hold a lock to the resource. If a process is waiting for resources, the resources it holds will be inaccessible to other processes. If, therefore, process A waits on a resource held by process B, and process B is waiting on one of the resources held by A, a deadlock is occurring. A system obtaining this condition is practically dead and to resume operating it must resolve the deadlock. According to Tenenbaum (1992), the four conditions obtaining a deadlock are: (1) Mutual exclusion. A resource can only be consigned to precisely one resource; (2) Hold and wait. Processes can hold one resource and can request for more; (3) No preemption. Resources cannot be effectively detached from a process; and (4) Circular wait. A circular sequence of processes is required, each process waiting for a resource held by the subsequent member of the sequence. In dealing with deadlocks, there are also four methods generally applied according to Tenenbaum (1992): ignore, detect, prevent, and avoid. Ignoring the problem presents the simplest way to deal with deadlocks. Detection of a deadlock before it occurs is a method trying to identify and locate deadlocks and resolve them. Avoidance of a deadlock is a method that attempts to find out if a deadlock will take place whenever a resource is requested and respond to the request in a way that avoids the occurrence of the deadlock. Prevention of a deadlock is system structuring in such a way that any of the four conditions that permit the possibility of a deadlock cannot take place. Problems with Mobile Devices in Deadlock Detection Breakdown and movement have to be considered in approaching distributed deadlock detection for a mobile device system. For instance, resources and users in conventional distributed deadlock detection do not move about through the system and each server has information about the site of other points that make up the network. In a mobile device system, devices execute operations by going through the source of information and performing locally to gain advantage of locality of reference. The mobile device and the host server can carry on interacting with other resources in the network. In effect, transactions can be distributed over multiple host servers bypassing the node that set off the transaction. Device movement clearly results in problems for algorithms that rely on information of location. In approaches for distributed deadlock detection such as core server or edge chasing, assumptions of location cannot be precluded as data is centrally collected or structured through a sequence of evaluations and verifications. To be able to detect and resolve distributed deadlocks, the processes must be able to pinpoint the nodes initiating the transaction. In a mobile device system, a device’s movement and operations cannot be traced simply. Hence, the device that set off a transaction is not easy to identify, as well as the secondary devices that are involved indirectly. Assumptions regarding location must be applied if a process is to operate efficiently and effectively in a mobile device system. Approach to Distributed Deadlock Detection in Mobile Device Settings The following assumptions illustrate the approach to distributed deadlock detection in mobile device settings: – All types of mobile devices are detached from the structure of the network, and therefore, they cannot move through the network by bypassing the information of how the nodes are linked. – The configuration of the network is immobile or static when the process starts. Priority transactions or two-stage commit are being utilized in standard deadlock avoidance methods. These systems permit the detection and processing of resolution to make certain that a device will not, of its own, unlock or unblock a resource during the process of detection. This feature is important in preventing shadow deadlock detection. – Only a user device can lock or unblock resources when it is actually present at the same location as the resource it is trying to manipulate. This feature permits host servers to convey the particulars being requested by a user device’s resource to its linked deadlock detection complements. A level of coordination between devices or common resources is present. As the devices execute their tasks, resources can be locked. This indicates that they are made solely to an individual user device. – All through the locking process user devices must communicate with the host server. The host is the final validating authority and can permit or reject access to a resource. Given that the host server can disallow the lock request of a device, a respond is needed. Depending on the device’s task, it could block or wait on the resource or it could resume processing and moving through the system.  The validating authority does not instantaneously block the device, as this would restrict flexibility and restrict the dynamic feature of the mobile device setting. – Devices must inform the host server if devices block on the resource. This permits the server to convey the condition of a device to its deadlock detection complements and reject any further request made by the blocked device. Devices that are blocked cannot unblock until the host authorizes their requests. – Devices must be distinctly recognizable the moment they hold a resource. They can be indentified in the device system at the time of the deadlock detection process. The role of identifying nodes may be made before a user device blocks or at the moment they lock a resource only. Overview of the System The mobile device system employs device-adapted methods that are founded in conventional edge-pushing global wait-for graph systems. Particularly, the distributions of the global wait-for graph into in-house maintained divisions and the introduction of deadlock detection examinations are based by conventional solutions. The three kinds of devices occupying the mobile device system are: User Device.  It is the only device in the system that dynamically executes tasks and locks or uses resources. It represents a device that applies the systems. It has no participation in deadlock resolution and detection; Phantom Device. This device is created by host servers and takes charge for keeping the resources locked by a particular user device, tracking it through the network and for starting the deadlock detection point. It further determines the information collected by detection devices to introduce deadlock resolution and detects and retrieves from errors during the process of deadlock detection. It signifies a part of the global wait-for graph; and, Detection Device. Phantom devices create this device when communicated by the host server that their aimed at device has blocked. They are diminutive, very light mobile devices that are tasked for calling hosts and creating the global wait-for graph and for decoding the deadlock condition. Initiating a Deadlock As user devices accomplish tasks, they may of their own lock resources all over the mobile device system. When user devices are created initially, they are not dynamically tracked by the host servers for deadlock detection purposes. The new devices can move without restraint over the network and use resources. User device tracking is done via environment tokens. Every time a device, therefore, approaches at a host server it must submit a token. This token has no significance to the device, and is only utilized by the host servers to manage the process of deadlock detection. User device tracking operations start at the time a device requests a resource lock. Part of permitting the request process is checking for a phantom device by the host server that is linked with the requesting device. If no shadow is present, one is generated and linked with the user device. The user device’s server token is then finally brought up to date to indicate the presence of the newly generated shadow device. When a shadow device is generated for a user device, it enables the host servers to control the process of deadlock detection. Shadow devices are informed of new device locks by host servers through a classified message. The message contains information on deadlock detection, such as the priority and identifier of the resource locked. When a phantom device is created and linked with a user device, they move together all over the network. This harmonized movement is synchronized by instantaneously routing a user’s shadow once the user transmits a passage request to the host server. Notably, this pairing of devices puts limitations on user devices. A user device cannot execute these actions if its linked shadow device is non-existent: moving, locking, and unlocking. The user is informed of the breakdown and the request must be submitted again. This limitation makes certain that the phantom devices will include the precise condition of the wait-for graph, even if they are postponed at the time of sending. Once a user device requests a lock that is rejected by a host server, it could consider blocking and waiting for the resource to be resolved. If the consideration to block is decided, the user device must notify the host server. Host servers respond to blocking information by notifying the user device’s shadow to permit deadlock data to be verified. If the user has no lock held, a shadow device is not present and cannot be notified. This is acceptable since the user device has no other locks held and it cannot be a participant of a distributed deadlock. The host server notifies shadow devices that their target object has blocked or unblocked via a coded message. Blocking and unblocking activities start the process of deadlock initiation. Once the shadow devices have been informed of a block activity, shadow devices inquire the host server to ascertain who is holding the lock on the target object resource. When the host server transmits information to the device identifier on who is holding the lock, a subsequent inquiry is done to ascertain if the device is remote or local. If the locking device is remote, the shadow device initiates the sequence of distributed deadlock detection. If not, no particular processing is occurring. Distributed Deadlock Detection Phantom devices introduce the deadlock detection sequence by creating detection devices. In the creation process, detection devices are commenced with their parent phantom device’s listing of locked resources and the servers where they are situated. This generation of a committed detection device permits a shadow to search at the same time for deadlocks and accordingly respond to other shadow detectors. When initiated, detector devices visit the locked resources by their aimed at user device. By noting the location of the network of each locked resource, routing of detector devices is speeded up. Each visit of the detector device in a resource, they inquire the host server to ascertain if other devices on that resource are blocked. If there are blocked devices found, their linked shadow device is located by the detector and inquires for their deadlock detection data. The processing happens at the same time for every blocked device on a resource held by an offsite device. The deadlock detection response is a list of recorded deadlock detection data that could include the following: Name of the Device. The distinctive identifier information of the user device; Resource Blocked. The resource that the device is blocked with, that includes the unique name of the resource, the user device that has this resource being locked, the server’s name that holds this resource, and the resource’s priority; Basic Locks. The list of basic locks or resources as held by this device. Relevant data regarding a user device that is blocked on a resource is summarized in each deadlock detection record. This information is included at each resource to the deadlock detection table of the detector since the device is blocked on a resource that is held by the detector’s object target. Because these devices are blocked on a resource that is held by another device, their overall detection table is being held indirectly by that device. The secondary information is applicable because blocked devices cannot act to release resources at the same time waiting for the locked resource by a detector’s object target. At the time a detector device visits every resources that were put in its initial array of locks, it goes back to its initial host server. When it arrives, the detector device notifies its shadow that it has came back and conveys its assembled deadlock table. The shadow device ascertains this table, which depicts the global wait-for graph, to make certain the presence of a deadlock. Shadow devices employ their target user device as a key to deadlock detection. If their target device shows in the table communicated by the detector, the target device is waiting on a resource as held by itself. Apparently a deadlock is present because the target device is blocked and that resource can never be released. Shadow devices perform recovery from breakdowns at the time of a deadlock detection point. Detection of a failure is performed through a running cycle calculation delay. Each shadow device is initialized with a fixed cycle time delay depending on the network type and its features. Shadow devices assume that their detector devices will be able to determine all of the required locks in less than four times the optimum delay cycle. When a detector device does not give a response in the optimal time allowed, the shadow device expects that a failure occurs and creates a new device detector to carry on the process of the failed device. Conclusion The suppositions of conventional distributed deadlock systems prevent them from successful completion in a mobile device setting. A successful detection and resolution of a mobile device distributed deadlocks applies the advantages of the mobile device model. The principal features of the advanced method, in particular, that separate it from the conventional solutions could be: reference locality, structure independence, asynchronous process, unrestricted movement, and fault tolerance. These features are accomplished through an independent platform, mobile device distributed deadlock detection resolution. The devices that use resources in the mobile device system are differentiated from the deadlock detection process. This differentiation generates dedicated devices for deadlock initialization, resolution, and detection. These devices are totally fitted to the features of the mobile device setting and operate together to perform a comprehensive distributed deadlock detection resolution. Mobile device settings demand structure flexibility and tolerance of fault. Integrating these properties and features into a mobile device solution affects overall performance. The features need further developing and messages. Because of the congruent nature of mobile device settings, there is no definite fact that these further messages do significantly affect deadlock detection efficiency and effectiveness. In addition, the insufficiency of comparable device solutions poses comparison and examination non-conclusive.

Nayaka Is the Honarary Title of Boyar / Valmiki / Bedar People in India

Boyar=Mudiraj=Nayakar=Nayak=Naidu=Boya=Bhill=Valmiki=Rajput=Panwar =Talari=Besta=Bedar=Koli=Kirat=Ahir=Mahar=Muthuraja=Rajus=Koya=Bhoja= Bhoi=Gangawar=Gangaputra=Dorabidda=Pandu=Oddar=Vedar=Vettuvar= Vettaikarar=Patel=Pawar=Chola=Pandiya=Chera=Pallava=Dev=kannadiya nayakan=nayakkan=Panwar=Palayakarar=palegar=Kajal=Balija=Kample=Vettuva Gounder=Kannadia Okkaliga Gowder=Gawara=Chouhan=Parihar=Chalukkya= Kahar=Kohli=Bhil=Aryar [pic]Sri Valmiki Sage, Author of Ramayanam The above are same casteThe Nayak is honorary and hereditary title of the Boya Caste People in India, the word boya spelled in few types, those were Boyar,Boyer,Bhoya,Bhoyar,Bhoi,Boir and Bhoirs and they alias as Bedar, The Bedar means the hunters of mountaineers, so the mountaineers of boya people hold the hereditary title of Nayak. Madakari Nayaka or Madakari Nayaka V was the last ruler of Chitradurga, India. (Chitaldrug (‘ Spotted castle,' or ‘Umbrella rock'). — Chief town of the District of Chitaldr ug, Mysore State; 126 miles north-west of Bangalore. Lat. 14 14†² n. , long. 76 26†² e.Population (188 1) 4271. The modern town stands at the north-east base of a cluster of hills, covered with extensive fortifications. Many inscriptions have been found of the Chalukya, Ballala, and Vijayanagar dynasties. Local history commences with the family of the Chitaldrug palegdrs, who trace back to the 15th century. Their hereditary title was Nayak, and they claimed descent from the Bedar or Boya caste of hunters and mountaineers. They gradually extended their power on ail sides until they came into collision with Haidar Ali, who captured Chitaldrug in 1779. [pic]Chitradurga Fort   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   [pic]Madakari Nayaka Naik:— The word Naik (Nayaka, a leader or chief) is used, by the older writers on Southern India, in several senses. 1. The Native captain or headman. 2. A title of honour among Hindus in the Deccan. 3. The general name of the kings of Vijayanagara, and of the Lords of Madura and other places. 4 Naidu or Nayudu is a title of caste in India, returned at times of census by many Telugu classes, of Balija, Bestha, Boya, Ekari, Gavara, Golla, Kalingi, Kapu, Mutracha, and Velama.In Tamil Nadu, A Tamilian, when speaking of a Telugu person bearing this title, would call him Naicker or Naickan instead of Naidu. 5 The Telugu people in Tamilnadu and other regions are Balija, Boya, Ekari, Golla, Kavarai, Muttiriyan, Odde, Tottiyan, and Uppiliyan. 6 Bhoyar, Kawara (Gavara) and Kohrya come from Kohli. 7 The Kolis were found all over the Ahamadnagar district in Maharastra State in India and in the greatest numbers in the hilly sub-division of Akola. [The generally received explanation of the word Koli is clansmen from kul a clan as opposed to Kunbi the family man from kutumb a family.The mythic Brahmanic origin of the Kolis is that they are the same as the Kirats of the Purans, who are said to b e descendants of Nishadh who was born from the arm of Ven, a king of the Sun race. The Kolis claim as their mythic founder Valmiki the author of the Ramayan. Mackintosh in Trans. Bom. Geog. Soc. I, 201-202. ] Nagar Kolis belong to three classes: Panbharis or Malharis, Dhors and Mahadevs. 8 The titles of Boyar are said to be Naidu or Nayudu, Naik, Dora, Dorabidda (children of chieftains), and Valmiki. 9 The word Boya will be indicating the Rajput and the clan of Chieftain.Clan of Raja or King Boyars in Maharastra Bhoi — a common term used as the designation of various classes vogue are engaged in boating, fishing, palanquin bearing and as domestic servants. In the Hyderabad Territory it includes several castes, such a* the Bestas and Gunlodus of Telingana, the Machinde and Maratha, Bhois of Marathawada, the Bhanare and Bendor of the Adilabad District, the Gangamasalu of the Carnatic and the Kahars, who are immigrants from Northern India. The etymology of the word ‘Bhoi' is uncertain.It is supposed to be a Telugu word, derived from ‘ Boya,' the name of an aboriginal tribe  ; but the derivation appears to be fictitious and has probably been suggested by the similarity of the names ‘Boya' and ‘Bhoi. ‘ No traditions are current regarding the origin of these people. The Hindu legislators differentiate the Bhoi (pattstika or bearers) from the Dhivar Kolis (kaivartaka or fishermen), the former being the offspring of a Brahman father and a Nishad mother, while the latter are descended from a Parasava father and an Ayogava mother.At the present day, however, the name ‘ Bhoi ‘ is used to denote all classes v/ho follow either profession. The Bhoi castes enumerated above differ widely from one an other in physical character and habits. The Telugu Bhois comprise two sub-castes, Besta and Gunlodu, who eat together but do not intermarry. They appear to have originally sprung from the same common stock, but have subsequently b ecome broken up into endogamous divisions by cause of their long profession of different tracts of earth. Bhoi — BestasThe Origin of Bestas, also called Parkitiwaru, are â€Å"mostly to be found in the Telugu Districts adjoining the Madras Presidency. The origin of their name is obscure. Some derive it from the Persian â€Å"Behishti,† but this derivation seems to be fanciful. The Bestas claim to be descended from Suti, the great expounder of the Mahabharata. Another legend traces their descent to Santan, the father of Bhisma by Ganga. These traditions, of course, throw no light upon the origin of the sub-caste. Their physical characteristics tend to mark them as Dravidians.Marriage — The Bestas profess to belong to, one gotra, Achantra^a, which is obviously inoperative in the regulation of their matrimonial alliances. Their marriages are governed by a system of exogamy consisting of family names. The following are some of the typical surnames of the caste  : — 1. Kattewadu (stick). 2. Nasuwadu. 3. Mamliwada (mango). 4. Shebelawadu. 5. Gantawadu (bell). 6. Badawadu. 7. Gundodu (ball). 8. Allewadu. 9. Pusawadu (beads). 10. GurebomoUu. 11. Chintawadu (tamarind). 12. Pamparollu. 13. Duntiwadu (pile). 14. Vemolollu. The exogamous sections are modeled on those of the other Telugu castes.The Bestas prohibit a man to marry a woman of his own section. No other section is a bar to marriage, provided he does not wed his aunt, his niece, or any of his first cousins except the daughter of his maternal uncle. A man may marry two sisters, or two brothers may many two sisters, the elder marrying the elder sister and the younger marrying the younger. Outsiders are not admitted into the caste. Besta girls are married before they have attamed the age of puberty  ; but sometimes, owing to the poverty of her parents, a girl's marriage is delayed till after the age of puberty.Girls are not devoted to temples, or married to deities. Should a girl tu rn out to be pregnant before marriage, her fault is condoned by her marriage with her lover, a fine being compulsory upon her parents by the caste Panchasat. Sexual indiscretion with an outsider is punished by expulsion from the caste. Conjugal relations commence even before rfie girl attains puberty, provided a special ceremony is performed on the occasion. A Besta girl on attaining teens is ceremonially unclean for five days.Polygamy is recognised theoretically to any limit, but is practically confined to two wives. The wedding ceremony is of the accepted type and closely corresponds to that in vogue among other Telugu castes of the same social standing. It takes place at the girl's house, under a booth made of eleven posts. The central post, muhurta medha, consists of a gukr branch (Ficus indicus) and is topped with a lamp which remains burning throughout the ceremony. The marriage procession is made on horseback. † A Brahman is employed as priest to conduct the wedding ser vice.Kanddn, or the formal gift of the bride, by her parents, to the bridegroom, is deemed to be the essential portion of the ceremony. † In the flaghali, which is celebrated on the fourth day after the wedding, the bridegroom, with a net in his hand, and the bride, with a bamboo basket, walk five times, round the polu. The panpu which follows is very interesting as, therein, the young couple are made to enact a pantomimic drama of married life. The final ceremonial is Wadihiyam, by which the bride is sent to her husband's house. The bride-price, varying in amount from Rs. to Rs. 12, is paid to the girl's parents. The Widow Marriage & Divorce — Widow marriage (Mar-mamu) is in vogue. The widow is not restricted in her choice of a second husband, save that she is not allowed to get married her late husband's younger or elder brother, nor any one who belongs to her husband's or her father's section. The sons of a widow are admitted to all the privileges enjoyed by the sons of a virgin wife. The ceremony is performed on a dark night, the widow bride being previously presented with a sari and choli and a sum of Rs.I ‘/4 for the purchase of bangles. A woman may be divorced on the ground of unchastity, the divorce being effected by the expulsion of the woman from the house, a little salt having been previously tied in her apron and the end of her garment having been removed from off her head. A separated woman is allowed to marry again by the same rite as a widow, on condition, however, that her second husband refunds to her first husband, half the expenses of her marriage as a spinster. The Inheritance — The Bestas follow the'Hindu law of inheritcjice.A sister's son, if made a son-in-law, is entitled to inherit his father- in-law's property, provided the latter dies without issue and the former performs his funeral obsequies. It is said that the eldest son gets an extra share, or jethanga, consisting of one bullock and Rs. 25. Religion. â⠂¬â€ The religion of the Bestas is a mixture of animism and orthodox Hinduism. They are divided, like other lower Telugu castes, between Vibhutidharis or Saivas, who follow the tenets of Aradhi Brahmans, and Tirraanidharis or Vaishanavas, who acknow- ledge Ayyawars as their gurus.Their tutelary deity is Veankatram alias Venkateshwara, worshipped every Saturday with contributions of sweetmeats and flowers, but the favourite and characteristic deity of the Bestas is Ganga, or the river goddess, worshipped by the whole caste, men, women and children, in the month of Ashada (July- August), when the rivers and streams are fleshed. The puja is done on the evening of the Thursday or Monday consequent to the full of the monsoons. The elders of the caste officiate as priests. They observe a fast during the day, and at about five in the evening resort to a place on the bank of a river at some distance from the village.A piece of ground is smeared over with cow-dung and four, devices represen ting, respectively, a crocodile, a fish, a tortoise and a female figure of Mari Mata (the goddess presiding over cholera), are drawn upon the ground over which sand has previously been strewn. These devices are professedly covered with flowers, kunkumam, turmeric powder and powdered limestone. In front of the figure of Mari Mata is placed a large bamboo tray, containing a square pan made of wheaten flour and a turmeric effigy of Gouramma.The flour pan is filled with six pounds of ghi, in which are lighted five lamps, one in the centre and one at each of the four corners. In front of Gouramma, and in the pan, are placed six bangles, a piece of cocoanut, a bodice, four annas, some areca nuts, betel-leaves, catechu and chunam(white cement). The bamboo plate is then rested on a wooden frame made of four pieces of pmgra wood (Erihrim indica), each two feet in length, and furnished with handles of split bamboo. After the worship is over, the priests, and as rnany of tKe male members as ar e able to touch the bamboo tray, lift it with the wooden frame and carry the . hole into the flooded river, plungmg into the water sometimes neck deep. After shendi (the fermented juice of the wild date palm) has been sprinkled on all sides, the bamboo tray is thrown into the flood to be floated away by the current. After the distribution of Prasad the multitude disperse. Women are not allowed to touch the goddess. At the Dassera festival the Bestas worship their nets, which they always regard with extreme reverence. When epidemics â€Å"pf cholera and smallpox break out, the Bestas make animal offerings to t^e Mari M4ta or Pochamma.Brahmans are employed for the worship of the great gods of the Hindu pantheon. Removal of the Dead — The Bestas bum their dead, with the head point to the south, but persons dying before marriage are buried. Women dying during childbirth are burned. The ashes are collected on the third day after cremation and thrown into the nearest stream. Marri ed agnates are mourned for eleven days  : the unmarried for five days only. Relations are fed on the 11th day after death. On the Mahalaya day, rice, gee and some money are offered to a Brahman in the name of the deceased ancestor.Ayyawars, in the event of the deceased being a Tirmani- dhari, and Jangams, should he be a Vibhutidhari, attend the funeral ceremonies. Societal Status — Socially, the Bestas rank above the Dhobi, Hajam, Waddar, Yerkala and lower unclean classes. Their social status is equal to that of the Mutrasis. They do not eat food cooked by a Jingar or a Panchadayi but will do so from the hands of the Mutrasi, Golla, Kapu Kurma and other castes of equal social to be standing. As far as their diet is concerned, they eat fowl, fish, mutton and the flesh of the crocodile, tortoise and lizard, but abstain from pork.They indulge freelj- in fermented and distilled liquors. They do not eat the leavings of other castes. Profession — The, original occupation o f the caste is fishing and palanquin bearing, but many of the members are engaged as domestic servants in Muhammadan and Hindu houses. A curious custom that prevails among them is that, when employed as palanquin bearers, they have their food cooked in one pfitce, sharing equally the expenditure incurred thereon  : at the time of meals the cooked food must be divided into exactly equal portions among the members, no matter what, their ages may be.Some of the Bestas have of late years taken to cultivation as 2 means of livelihood. Bhoi — Gunlodu The Gunlodu, also called Nilbandhu, or the dwellers on the river bank, are regularly originate in parts of the country where great rivers abound. Thus, they are found in the Nizamabad, Adilabad and Karimnagar Districts. They eat with the Bestas but do not intermarry with them, their exogamous sections are as follows  : — The Origin — The Nilbandhus give a singular account of their origin. The story runs thus: — There was one Narumani, who had a son by his mistress. traight away on his birth the boy was exposed, by his mother, on the seashore and when full grown was disowned by his father, but commanded to subsist by fishing in the sea  : since his profession bound him to the sea-shore, his descendants have been designated ‘ Nil-bandhus ‘ (nee/, water, and bhandu, bank), or those who live on river banks. The legend suggests that the Nilbandhus may be unlawful descendants of the Bestas, the great Telugu fishing caste. Their customs and usages are the same as those of the Bestas and need no separate description. 1.Maikalwaru 2. Chatarivaru 3. Tokalawaru 4. Budhawaru 5. Kondalawaru 6. Shavalawaru 7. Palikandawaru 8. Raghupatiwaru 9. Sitaralawaru 10. Dawalhawaru 11. Gamalawaru 12. Padigallawaru 13. Tupurwaru 14. Kalampalliwaru & 15. Maratha Bhois The Origin of the Maratha Bhois, as their name denotes, constitute the numerous members of the fishing caste of the Marathawada country , wliich includes all the Districts of the Aurangabad Subah and the Bidar and Usmanabad Districts of the Gulbarga Subah. In physical features and customs they differ markedly from the Telugu Bhois.They are divided into two endogamous groups — the Maratha proper and the Machinde — who eat together but do not intermarry. The Mciratha proper may be an off-shoot from the Maratha Kunbis, whom they closely resemble and from whom they are probably separated by having taken to the degraded occupation of fishing and litter bearing. Tiie Machinde Bhois claim to be descended from Machindranath, the chief disciple of Gorakhnath, the famous founder of the sect of Kanphate Jogis. This, however, gives no clue to the real origin of the sub-caste.Internal , Structure — The Maratha Bhois have a number of exogamous sections, consisting of family surnames, many of which are common to this caste and the Maratha Kunbis. The following are some of the commonest of them  : — 1. Adane 2. Lonare 3. Tamkhane 4. Landage 5. Nemade 6. Khandgale 7. Dake 8. Wankhile 9. Hirawe 10. Jirange 11. Kesapure 12. Jamdade 13. Kajale (Balija/Kajal) 14. Pabale 15. Bhujange 16. Kambale (Raja Kampalam / Hampi / Thotti Nayakar) 17. Surdushe 18. Satode 19. Bavne 20. Gavande (Tamil – Vettuva Gounder/ Kannadia   – Okkaliga gounder) 21. Bhadaskal 22. Ghone & 23. GhatmalThe Marriage — Marriages within the surname are banned. A man cannot marry the daughter of his maternal aunt or of his sister, though he may marry that of his irrational uncle. He rarely marries his paternal aunt's daughter, although such marriages are not prohibited by any tribal usage. Two sisters may be married to the same husband, or to two brothers, prejudged the elder sister is married to the elder brother and the younger sister to the younger. The Maratha Bhois marry their daughters Doth as infants, and as adults between the ages of' eight and twenty, and their sons between twelve and tw enty-five.Sexual intercourse before marriage is tolerated, but a girl taken in adultery is punished with a small fine. If she becomes pregnant before marriage her paramour is called upon to marry her, but in case he declines, she loses caste. Polygamy is permitted. In theory, there is no limit to the number of wives a man may have and it is not uncommon to find a man having more than one wife. The father of the boy, as a rule, takes the initiative towards the settlement of a marriage. At the betrothal, or ^nhu laoane, the girl is presented with a sari and the caste panch receiye, by right, Rs. from the boy's father for k^usali or drinking. ^ The DeOak, or marriage deity, is represented by twigs of the mango, saundad {Prosopis spicigera) and apta (Bauhinia racemosa), which are tied, with an axe and a wooden pestle, to the milk post (muhurta medha) of the marriage booth. Previous to the marriage, Virs (ancestral spirits) and the goddess Bhavani of Tuljapur are propitiated by the sacri fice of a goat. The marriage procession is usually made on horseback, but occasionally on a bullock.Pamgrahana, or the gift of the bride to the bridegroom, forms the essential portion of the ceremony. In other respects it resembles that of the Maratha caste. A widow may marry again. Separation is permitted on the land of the wife's adultery, or if the couple cannot live in harmony. The Religion. — The Family worship is in full force and the souls of the departed are propitiated every Saturday by the elderly member of the family  ; the souls of adults are called Virs, those of children Munjas and of females Manvi. On the wedding day goats are sacrificed in honour of these spirits.The members of the caste are very scrupulous in the worship of these spirits, for it is firmly believed that if they neglect this worship they will never live in peace and happiness. Muhammadan pirs are also duly honored with animal sacrifices. Brahmans are employed for religious and ceremonial purp oses. The dead are burned, but occasionally buried. Mourning is observed for 9 days, and on the 10th day Sradha is performed and the caste people are feasted. Sradha is also celebrated on the Pitra Amawas)a day and on the Ashatriti)a day.Machinde Bhois General Description — The Machinde Bhois are mostly fishermen, but are also engaged as palanquin bearers and domestic servants. The females soak and parch grain. The members of the caste use donkeys for carrying burdens and are hence looked down upon by the Telugu Bhois. The Maratha and Machinde Bois occupy the savie social rank among the Maratha castes as the Telugu Bhois do between the Telugu caste. They eat the flesh of fowl and sheep and drink spirituous and fermented liquors, but abstain from beef and pork.The Manne'ss and Customs — In the Adilabad District, especially in the Talukas of Jangaon, Rajura and Shirpur, Marathi-speaking Bhois are found, but these are entirely distinct in their manners and civilization fr om the Maratha Bhois of the Marathawada Districts. It appears that the former are the descendants of those Bhois who came with the Maratha conquerors, settled with them in the Berar and Nagpur provinces and subsequently immigrated to the neighbouring territory in H. H. tfjpe Nizam's Dominions. They are divided into two sub-castes, Bendore and Bhanare, who are said to eat with each other but not intermarry.These are broken into exogamous sections, which consist of family names resembling those of the local Maratha Kunbis. A man cannot marry a woman of his own section. He may marry the daughter of his mother's brother or his father's sister and two sisters may marry the same man, provided the elder is married first. Both infant and adult marriages are practiced by the caste. Sexual inter-course before marriage is tolerated, but punished with a small fine. If, however, the girl becomes pregnant before marriage, she is required to disclose the name of her seducer, who is forced to marry her by the caste council.Polygamy is allowed. The Marriage. — The marriage ceremony takes place towards sun- down, at the bridegroom's house, to which the girl is escorted in procession on horseback by her people. Under the marriage booth is a circular platform built of earth with a post of salai (Bostcellia thmijera) planted ^jn the centre. This central post is surrounded by earthen vessels, and the bride-groom facing the east and the bride facing ,the west, with the post in their middle, are wedded by a Brahman priest. A man of the washerman caste provides threads for marriage bracelets, which are tied by the bridal pair on each other's wrists.On the third day, the bridegroom dressed in the bride's clothes and the bride in the bridegroom's are paraded in march, after which they are mounted on the backs of their respective maternal uncles, who dance to the accompaniment of drums and go five times round the earthen platform. The ‘ bride-price ‘ to the amount of R s. 5, is paid to the girl's father. Re-marriage of widows is permitted and celebrated on a dark night of any month. Women are divorced and are subsequently allowed to marry again by the same rite ^s widows.The Religion and Funerals — Khudbhan, the favor deity of the caste, is worshipped every day. The other deities honored are the god Mahadeva of the Hindu pantheon and the animistic deity Pochamma, who presides over smallpox. The spirits of ancestors are also propitiated. The dead are either burnt or buried. When a person is on the point of death, ambil, or gruel, is poured into his mouth. Mourning is observed for 5 days. No Sradha ceremony is celebrated, but an image of the deceased is embossed on a meta plate and installed in the god's room.The societal Status and Occupation — Their social position may be determined by the fact that they will eat from the hands of the Kunbis, Malis, Dhangars and Kumbhars, while the Kunbis will recognize water only, but nothing else, from a member of the caste. The members of the caste eat the flesh of goats, sheep, fowls, hares, deer, scaly and scaleless fish and great lizards and drink spirits. Their hereditary occupation is fishing, palanquin bearing and working as domestic servants. Some of them have taken to cultivation. They have a caste Panchayat to which social disputes are referred. 10] Boyars in South India The Karnataka Boyars are said to be beda/valmiki and they belongs surya vamsi (solar race)in India,from whom sprang the following seven great clans of Bedars, bearing the names of their progenitors  : — 1. Nishadas, who hunted tigers, bears and wild boars and ate the flesh of buffaloes. 2. Sheras, who made a living by selling jungle roots, fruit and sandalwood {Sanialum album). 3. Kavangriyaris, who wore long hair and had their ear-lobes bored with large holes. They subsisted on the sale of bidla {Pterocarpus marsupium) and oyster shells. 4.Salikas, who were employed as day laborers in digg ing wells and tanks. 5. Ksharakaris, who made lime and salt. 6. Ansaris, who were fishermen and worked also as ferrymen. 7. Sheshatardharis, who were hunters and fowlers. All these seven clans were distinguished by their respective gotra names or badged — 1. Gojaldaru or Gujjar. 2. Gosalru or Gurral. 3. Bhadmandalkaru. 4. Saranga Gunda Bahsarandlu or Sarang Gauda. 5. Tayarasamantaru or Tair Samant. 6. Pingal Rangamanya. 7. Rajadhiraj (Maharaja). This elaborate organisation appears to be traditional and to have no bearing upon the present social division of the tribe.The Early History — The Bedars were a Southern India tribe and came into the Decan under their leader Kalappa Naik early in the sixteenth century. They first settled at Adhoni and Dambala, situated in the Raichur Duab, which was then a bone of contention between Krishna Raylu, the king of Vijayanagaram, and Ismail Adil Shah, the Sultan of Bijapur. The Bedars, taking benefit of the disturbed times, raided an d plundered the country far and wide, so that, for the time being, they were tine terror of the surrounding districts. Partly by colonization and partly by conquest, they gradually extended their territories until, under Pam.Nayak 1. (1674-1695), they founded a State, and fixed their capital at Vakinagir, two miles west of Shorapur. Pam Naik was the bravest of the dynasty and helped Sikandar Adil Shah, the last of the Bijapur Sultans, in subduing his rebel nobles and in his wars with the Generals of Aurangzeb. The Sultan, in gratitude, granted him a magnificent jagir and conferred upon him all the insignia of royalty with the titles † Gajag Bahirand Gaddi Bahari Bahadur. † Pam Naik styled himself Raja, a title which has since descended to his successors.He organized the State, dividing it into provinces, over which he appointed Subedars. He was also a great builder, and raised new forts, constructed roads and tanks, and built stately temples. It was in his time that the kingdoms of Bijapur and Golconda were subdued by Aurangzeb. In his successor, Pid Naik Bahari (1695-1725 A. D. ), the power of the Bedars had reached its zenith. He strongly resisted the power of Aurangzeb, and defeated the Imperial forces in pitched battles. At last the Emperor took the field in person and besieged the Bedar strong-hold of Vakingira.The fort made a galant stand, but was reduced ultimately by Zulfikarkhan, the best of Aurangzeb's Generals. It was, however, retaken by the Bedars immediately on the departure of Aurangzeb. Pid Naik removed the seat of government from Vakingira to Shorapur, which he founded on a hill. He introduced many reforms and ruled the State in greater splendour than any of his predecessors. After a glorious reign of 31 years he died in 1726 A. D. The later history of the Shorapur Rajas is blended with that of the Nizams of Hyderabad, whom they acknowledged as their suzerain lords, paying an annual tribute of 1,45,000 rupees.Though brave, they wer e not able rulers and were not infrequently involved in the wars of the Nizams with the Marathas and other contemporary powers. The decline of the State had already commenced and was hastened by internal dissensions, mal-administration and reckless extravagance, until, after a brief revival under the administration of Colonel Meadows Taylor, it was confiscated out account of the rebellion of the Raja ‘-Venkatappa Naik against the British Government (1858), and ceded to H. H. the Nizam in 1860 A. D. The Internal Structure,— The in-house structure of the Bedars is very intricate.This is due, partly to the large area over which they are scattered, and partly to the different social levels that have been formed among them. Thus at the highest level are the Rajas and rich landholders who have, in every respect, understood the style of higher Hindu castes, while the lowest level is occupied by the bulk of the people who adhere to their aboriginal customs and usages and have f ew scruples in diet — eating beef, as well as cat and other in clean animals. The following endogamous groups are found among them  : — 1. badar or Naikulu (Valmika) Bedars. . Tanged Bedars. 3. Mangala Bedars. 4. Chakla Bedars. 5. Neech Bedars. 6. Basavi Bedars. 7. Ramoshi Bedars. 8. Jas Bedars. 9. Bedars (proper). Of these, the Naikulu sub-tribe, called also Naikulu Maklus, claim the highest rank and decline to hold any spiritual union either of food or of matrimony with the other sub-tribes. To this sub-tribe the Bedar Rajas of Shorapur and other principalities belong. The Mangala Bedars are barbers and the Chakla Bedars washermen to the Bedar tribes and have, in effect of their occupation, formed separate groups.Neech Bedars are known to abstain from eating fowl or drinking shendi, the fermented sap of the wild date palm. They do not touch the shendi tree, nor sit on a mat made of its leaves. Basavi Bedars are the progeny of Basavis, or Bedar girls dedicated to th e gods and brought up, subsequently, as prostitutes. They form a separate community comprising (1) children of unions, by regular marriage, between the sons and daughters of Basavis, (2) the children of Basatis themselves. ‘ While among other Bedar tribes Basavis are made in pursuance of vows otAncient family customs, among Basavi Bedars there is a rule under which each family is said to be bound to offer up one of its girls to this gods as Basavi. The daughters of Basaois, for whom husbands cannot be procured in their community, are wedded to swords or idols. On an auspicious day, the girl to be dedicated is taken, m procession, to the temple, bearing on her head a lighted lamp. After she has been made to hang a garland round the sword or the idol, a tali (mangalsutra) is tied round her neck and her marriage with the sword or the idol is complete.She is, thenceforward, allowed to consort with any man provided that he is not of a lower caste },han herself. A Basaoi girl is ent itled to share, equally with her brothers, the property of her father or mother. The euphemistic n,-me Basavi originally denoted girls who were dedicated to Ba^vanna, the deified founder of the Lingayit sect, but the title is, at the present day, borne by a girl dedicated to any god. The Ramoshi Bedars are found in large numbers in the Marathawada districts. They are, no doubt, a branch of Bedars who appear to have migrated to the Maratha country after their settlement in the Carnatic.This view is supported by a tradition which states that they came into Maharashtra under the five sons of Kalappa Naik. In their features and customs, but especially in their predatory tendencies, they have preserved the characteristics of their race. They . regard, with pride, the Raja of Shorapur as the head of their clan. Like their brethren in the Carnatic, they were highly valued for their military qualities, filled the armies of Shivaji and his successors, and distinguished themselves as brave so ldiers.During the last century they gave a good deal of trouble to British officers, but they have now settled down as industrious cultivators. Their social status among the Maratha castes is very low, for even their touch is regarded as unclean by the respectable classes. They appear to have broken off all connection with the Carnatic Bedars and form at present an independent group. They talk Marathi in their houses. The word ‘ Ramoshi ‘ is a local name and is supposed to be a corruption of Rama-vanshis â€Å"descendants of Rama† or of Ranwashis, meaning dwellers of foists. Bedars (proper) occupy the lowest † level among the tribe. They cling to their aboriginal usages, eating beef and canion and worshipping animistic deities. They carry Margamma Devi on their heads in a box, and subsist begging alms in her name. The Boyas, as the Bedars are designated in Telingana, are divided into (1) Sadar Boya and (2) Boya, corresponding to the Sadar Bedars and the Beda rs of the Carnatic. It is also said that they have only two main divisions (1) Nyas Byadrus, (2) Gugaru Byadrus, the members of which neither eat together nor intermarry.The Bedars are said to be divided into 101 exogamous sections, numbers of which are of the optimistic type, although the totems do not . appear to be respected. Marriage in one's own section is strictly forbidden, The marriage o4 two sisters to the same husband is permitted, provided the elder is carried first. Two brothers may marry two sisters and a man may marry the daughter of his elder sister. A member of a higher caste may gain admission into the Bedar community by paying a fine to the tribal Panchdat and by providing a feast for the members of the community.On the occasion, the proselyte is required to eat with them and next to have a betel nut cut on the tip of his tongue. After the meals he is required to remove all the plates. The Marriage — The Bedars get married their daughters either as infants, or after they have attained the age of puberty. Sexual indiscretions before marriage are tolerated and are condoned only by a slight punishment. Should a girl become pregnant before marriage her seducer is compelled to marry her. Cohabitation is permitted, even though the girl has not attained sexual maturity.Polygamy is recognized and a man may marry as many wives as his means allow him to maintain. The marriage ceremony of the Bedars comprises rituals which be in contact closely with those in use among other local castes. A suitable girl having been selected, and preliminary arrangements and ceremonies concluded, a marriage pandal of five pillars of shevri {Seshania ebgptiacd) is erected in the court-yard of the bridegroom's house. On the arrival of the bride at the bridegroom's house the bridal pair are seated on a platform, built, under the wedding bower, with ant-hill earth, and are rubbed over with turmeric pasted five married females.Previous to the wedding, four earthen vess els, filled with water, are set at the comers of a square space prepared outside the booth, and are connected with a cotton thread. A fifth vessel, also filled with water, is kept in the centre of the square, and covered with a burning lamp. The bridal pair, with their sisters, are seated opposite to this lamp, and made to undergo ceremonial ablution. Dressed in new wedding garments, with their brows adorned with bashing , and the ends of their clothes knotted together, he bride and bride-groom are led immediately to a seat under the booth and are wedded by Brahmans who hold an antipode (a silk curtain) between the pair, pronounce benedictory mantras and shower rice and grain over their heads. Mangalsutra, or the lucky bead necklace, is hanied round to be touched by the whole assembly, and tied, in the presence of the caste Panchayat, by the bridegroom round the bride's neck. The couple are then led round, making obeisance first to the gods, then to the Panchas and lastly to the eld erly relatives.The ceremony next in importance, and purely of a Kulachar character, is Bhrnnd, celebrated on the 3rd day after the wedding. A conical heap ei cooked rice, crested with twenty wheat cakes and a quantity of vegetables, is deposited on a piece of white cloth under the wedding pandal. Before this sacred heap, frankincense is burnt and offerings of eleven betel -leaves and nuts and eleven copper coins are made. After two handfuls of this food have been handed to the bridal pair, eleven married couples mix the food with sugar and ghee and eat it.After the meal is over, five of them touch, with their hands soiled with food, the bodies of the wedded pair who, thereupon, are required to cast away the lumps of food they held in their hands. The celebration of the Dandya ritual on the 4th day, and the bestowal of a feast to the relatives and friends, bring the nuptial proceedings to a close. It is said that Bedars abstain from drink during the four days of the marriage ceremony . Except among respectable families, a Bedar widow is allowed to marry again, but not the brother of her deceased husband.She may, however, re-marfy the husband of her elder sister. The price for a widfiw is Rs. 12 and is generally paid to her parents. The ceremony is of a, simple character. At night the parties repair to nanuman's temple, where the bride is presented with a new white sari, a choli (bodice) and some bangles. After the widow has put on these, her proposed husband ties pusti (a bead necklace) about her neck. The assembly then return to the bridegroom's house. Next day a feast is given to the members of the tribe in honour of the event. Divorce — Divorce is recognized by those who allow their widows to re-marry.A divorced woman can claim alimony from the husband if it be the latter's fault that led to the divorce. If a woman goes wrong with a man of a lower caste she is turned out of her community. Liaison with a man of a higher caste is tolerated, and condoned only by a small fine. Divorced women are permitted to marry again by the same rite as widows. Inheritance. — In matters of inheritance, the Bedars follow the Hindu law. The usage of ChudaWand obtains between them. Under this usage the property is divided equally among wives, provided they have sons. A Basavi girl (dedicated to the gods) shares equally with her brothers.Religion — In point of religion, the Bedars are divided into Vaishanavas and Saivas. The Vaishnavas worship Vishnu and his incarnations of Rama and Shri Vyankatesh. The Shivas pay homage to the god Siva and generally abstain from all work on Mondays, in honour of the deity. Some of the Bedars follow the tenets of Lingayitism, do reverence to Basava in the form of a bull, and employ jangams as their priests. The favorite deity with Basavi Bedars is Shri Krishna, in whose honour a great festival is held on the Janmashtami day (the 8th of the light half of Shravana). xcept the special deities of the tribe a re Hanuman and Ellama, worshipped on Saturday, when the Bedars abstain from flesh. Their principal festivals are Dassera in Aswin (October- November) and Basant Panchmi in Magh (February-March), which are celebrated with great pomp and ceremony. Pochamma (the smallpox deity), Mariamma (the goddess presiding over cholera), Maisamma, Balamma, Nagamwia (the serpent* goddess) and a host of minor gods and spirits are also appeased with offerings of' animals. The worship of departed souls is said to prevail among the tribe.Child Birth A woman, after child-birth, is unclean for five days. As soon as the child is born, its umbilical cord is cut by the mid- wife, and buried underground on the 3rd day after birth. Brahmans are employed for religious and ceremonial purposes. Disposal of the Dead — The Vaishanava Bedars burn their dead in a lying posture, while the Saivas bury them in a sitting posture with the face turned towards the east. Members of respectable families perform Srddha on the 12th and 13th days, and generally conform to the funeral rites in vogue among the Brahmins.Social Status — The social status of the Bedars is not easy to define. The huge Zamindars and Rajas occupy an† eminent position in the caste and are looked upon with respect, while even the touch of the Ramoshi Bedars is regarded as unclean. Village wells are open to them for water and temples are open to them for worship. Concerning their diet they have few scruples — eating beef, pork, fowl, jackals, rats, lizards, wild cats, in short all animals except snakes, dogs and kites. They eat carrion and indulge freely' in spirituous and fermented liquors.They do not eat the leavings of any caste. Occupation. — The Bedars believe their original occupation to be hunting and military service. Peaceful times and the introduction of game laws have compelled them to take to agriculture. They are also employed as village watchmen and messengers and discharge their duties faithfully. As agriculturists, a few have risen to the position of great land-lords and jdgirdars. The bulk are either occupancy and non-occupancy riots or landless day-laborers. Panchayat — The Bedars have a strong tribal Panchdyat known as Kattd.The head of the Panchayat is called Kattimani and has authority both in religious and social matters. All social, religious and ceremonial points and disputes are referred to this body for decision, and judgments passed by it are irrevocable and enforced on pain of loss of caste. A woman accused of adultery, or of eating food from a member of an inferior caste, is expelled from the community arfd is restored only on her head being shaved and the rap of her tongue branded with a live coal of the mi plant. [11]The Nayak Peoples having different identifications throughout the country to know them, they were as follows:- Koli, Nayaka, Boyar,Telaga, Bantu,Mudiraj,Mutrasi, Tenugollu,Bedaru,Gangaputra & Gangawar caste is known by differen t names in different parts of the country such as Mutharacha, MuthiRajuloo, Muthrasan, Muthirasi, Mudiraj, Naik, Bantu,Tellugode, Telaga, Thenogode, Talari, Koli etc. in Andhra Pradesh, asMuthirayar and Muthirayan in Tamilnadu, as Gangawar, Gangamatha, Bestha,Boya, Kabber, Kabbalgar and Gangaputra, Koli etc. in Karnataka and as Koli in northern parts of the country.The main occupation and profession of these people is fishing since ancient times. Anantaraman Commission categorized the Backward Classes under four groups. Aboriginal tribes, Vimukta jathis, nomadic and semi nomadic tribes are included in Group – A. 12 The Solar race koli people of boya palegar were ruled throughout the sound India by the honorary title of Nayaka, The valmiki said to be Balija / Balji / Gurusthula / Naidu, those people were ruled the Tanjavore, Madura and Vijayanagar. Origin Balija, Balji, Gurusthulu, Naidu. — A large trading persons.In the Central Provinces 1200 were enumerated in 191 1, excluding 1500 Perikis, who though really a sub-caste and not a very exalted one of Balijas, claim to be a separate caste. They are mostly returned from places where Madras troops have been stationed, as Nagpur, Jubbulpore and Raipur. The caste are frequently known as Naidu, a corruption of the Telugu word Nayakdu, a prince or leader. Their associates are supposed to have been Nayaks or kings of Madura, Tanjore and Vijayanagar. 13 Gulti – A section of Boya, members of which are to be found in Choolay, Madras City. 4 Boyars said to be Valmiki bhramana’s. ,[15] sadaru and lingayat were sub section of boya people. 16 The Boya people sub section known as Kal odder(stone and building workers), man odder(earth digging), Pai odder(mat) and bandi odder(cart). 17 BOYA NAYAKA’S IN CENTRAL PREVALENCE IN INDIA Two particular clans, the Surajvansi and Chandra or Somvansi, are named after the sun and moon respectively  ; and a few others, as the Sesodia, Kachhwaha, Gohil, B ais and Badgijjar, are recorded as being of the solar race, descended from Vishnu throughout his incarnation as Rama.The Rathors also claimed solar lineage, but this was not wholly conceded by the Bhats, and the Dikhits are assigned to the solar branch by their legends. The great clan of the Yadavas, of v/hom the present Jadon or Jadumand Bhatti Rajputs are representatives, was of the lunar (moon) race, tracing their descent from Krishna, though, as a matter of fact, Krishna was also an incarnation of Vishnu or the sun  ; and the Tuar or Tomara, as well as the Jit or Gete, the Rajput section of the modern Jats, who were considered to be branches of the Yadavas, would also be of the moon division.The Gautam and Bisen clans, who are not included in the thirty-six royal races, now claim lunar descent. Four clans, the Panwar, Chauhan, Chaluk)-a or Solankhi, and Parihar, had a different origin, being held to have been born through the agency of the gods from a fire- pit on the summit o f Mount Abu. They are therefore known as Agnikula or the fire races. (Kachhwaha, Gohil, Bais and Badgijjar, are recorded as being of the solar race, descended from Vishnu through his incarnation as Rama). 18 Maurya Kings were Solar or Sun Race people. 19 Place   : Punjab, Patna, Odissi, MysorePeriod  : Period Lanuages: Old Indic (Sanskrit, Prakrits) Rulers: Chandragupta Maurya, Bindusara, Ashoka the great, Dasaratha, Satadhanvan, Brihadratha. 20,21 The word of Bhoyar said to be Bhoir/ Mahajan/Patel and it has been arrived from the rajput of Panwar community and the the word of Bhor in bhoyar mean sun rice, and facing east, start to go east etc. The Bhoyar were segmented into four. Those were:- 1. Panwari 2. Dalewar 3. Chaurasia & 4. Dharia The boyars were done agriculture, and they dealt with other people and They can take food from only bhramins, and does not from others.The water will be taken from the equal peoples of boya, and the boya people will be named their child 10 to 12 names till the good one is suit and even it struggled then they have to fix the name of the child with the help of astrologer. 22 The boyars and the koli were the same community and they know the proper agriculture business with proper water cultivation by fixing paths. 23,24 The boya and koli people constructed the dam for the purpose of proper agriculture and fulfil the need of water in various purposes of living to the people of the country. 5 Dharia – from Dhar , the old name of Jubbulpore country,They were rajput’s and the same clan of Bhoya and the sub section were Balar, Mahar, Maratha, & Teli, Chadar & Kalia. 26 Dhokwar is Sub caste of bhoyar and Koli/Goli. 27 Panwar is Rajput vamse and Bhoyar and Banja is sub sections of panwar, furthermore the Ahir, Bhilala, Kosali, Maratha, and Marori were also generated from Panwar. 28 Ahir community called as Gaoli,Guala,Golkar,Gaolan,Rawat,Gahra, and Mahakul. The Golkars of Chanda may be derived from the Telugu Golars or graziers, the Ahir people known as koli and the same people till now ruling the Nepal.In many castes there is a separate division of AhIrs, such as the Ahir Sunars, Sutars, Lohars, Shimpis, Sails, Guraos and Kolis. The Lord Krishna Born in Ahir community, In Chanda the Gowaris are admittedly descended from the unions of Gonds and Ahirs, and one of their subcastes, the Gond- Gowaris)29 The Lord Krishna race is moon race, already we understood that the mothers kul considered for children birth in earlier days, just like the Mother Ganga name will be fixed for Bhima generations in Mahabharath purana, so till the Boya people known as Ganga putra, Ganga Matha, Gangawar/Gangavar etc. to identify the community in the common stock of the entire people in the country. It has not been forgotten that Krishna is sometimes given, on his father's sides, a solar pedigree  ; but it is as member of a lunar dynasty, the Jadons of Mathura, that he is chiefly celebrated. ) 30 The Bhoya and Korku P eople Base at Dhar City clan, The quotations previously given have shown how this virile clan of Rajputs travelled to the north, south and east from their own country in search of a livelihood. ll over the place they made their mark so that they live in history, but they paid no regard to the purity of their Rajput blood and took to themselves wives from the women of the country as they could get them. The Panwars of the Wainganga Valley have developed into a caste marrying among themselves. They have no subcastes but thirty-six exogamous sections. Some of these have the names of Rajput clans, while others are derived from villages, titles or names of offices, or from other castes.Among the titular names are Chaudhri (Velama/Kamma) (headman), Patlia (patel or chief officer of a village) and Sonwania (one who purifies offenders among the Gonds and other tribes). Among the names of other castes are Bopcha or Korku, Bhoyar (a caste of cultivators), Pardhi (hunter), Kohli (a local culti vating caste) and Sahria (from the Saonr tribe). These names indicate how freely they have intermarried. It is noticeable that the Bhoyars and Korkus of Betul both say that their ancestors were Panwars of Dhar, and the occurrence of both names among the Panwars of Balaghat may indicate that these castes also have some Panwar blood.Three names, Rahmat (kind), Turukh or Turk, and Farld (a well-known saint), are of Muhammadan origin, and indicate intermarriage in that quarter. Girls are usually, but not necessarily, married before adolescence. Occasionally a Panwar boy who cannot afford a regular wedding will enter his prospective father-in-law's house and serve him for a year or more, when he will obtain a daughter in marriage. And sometimes a girl will contract a liking for some man or boy of the caste and will go to his house, leaving her home. In such cases the parents accept the accomplished fact, and the couples are married.If the boy's parents refuse their consent they are tempo rarily put out of caste, and subsequently the neighbors will not pay them the customary visits on the occasions of family joys and grief’s. Even if a girl has lived with a man of another caste, as long as she has not borne a child, she may be re-admitted to the community on payment of such penalty as the elders may determine. If her own parents will not take her back, a man of the same gotra or section is appointed as her guardian and she can be married from his house.The ceremonies of a Panwar marriage are detailed. Marriage-sheds are erected at the houses both of the bride and bridegroom in accordance with the usual practice, and just before the wedding, parties are given at both houses; the village watchman brings the toraji or string of mango- leaves, which is hung round the marriage-shed in the manner of a triumphal arch, and in the evening the party assembles, the men sitting at one side of the shed and the women at the other.Presents of clothes are made to the child wh o is to be married, and the following song is sung: The mother of the bride grew angry and went away to the mango grove. Come soon, come quickly. Mother, it is tlie time for giving clothes. The father of the bridegroom has sent the bride a fold of cloth from his house, The fold of it is like the curve of the winnowing-fan, and there is a bodice decked with coral and pearls. Before the actual wedding the father of the bridegroom goes to the bride's house and gives her clothes and other presents, and the following is a specimen given by Mr.Muhammad Yusuf of the songs sung on this occasion: Five years old to-day is Bfija Bai the bride  ; Send word to the mother of the bridegroom  ; Her dress is too short, send for the Koshta, Husband  ; The Koshta came and wove a border to the dress. Afterwards the girl's father goes and makes parallel presents to the bridegroom. After many preliminary ceremonies the marriage procession proper sets forth, consisting of men only. Before the boy st arts his mother places her breast in his mouth; the maid-servants stand before him with vessels of water, and he puts a piece in each.During the journey songs are sung, of which the following is a specimen: The linseed and gram are in flower in Chait. O  ! the boy bridegroom is going to another country  ; O Mother  ! how may he go to another country  ? Make payment before he enters another country  ; O Mother  ! how may he cross the border of another country  ? Make payment before he crosses the border of another country  ; O Mother  ! how may he touch another's bower . Make payment before he touches another's bower  ; O Mother  ! how shall he bathe with strange water  ? Make payment before he bathes with strange water  ;O Mother  ! how may he eat another's baiiwat  ? â€Å"^ Make payment before he eats another's banwat  ; O Mother  ! how shall he marry another woman  ? He shall wed her holding the little finger of her left hand. The bridegroom's parties are forever driven to the marriage in bullock-carts, and when they approach the bride's village her people also come to meet them in carts. All the party then turns and race to the village, and the winner obtains much distinction. The cart men afterwards go to the bride- groom's father and he has to make them a present of from one to forty rupees.On arriving at the village the bridegroom is carried to Devi's shrine in a man's arms, while four other men hold a canopy over him, and from there to the marriage- shed. He touches a bamboo of this, and a man seated on the top pours turmeric and water over his head. Five men of the groom's party go to the bride's house carrying salt, and here their feet are washed and the tika or mark of anointing is made on their foreheads. Afterwards they carry rice in the same manner and with this is the wedding-rice, colored yellow with turmeric and known as the Lagun-gath. Before sunset the bridegroom goes to the bride's house for the wedding. Two baskets are hung before Dulha Deo's shrine inside the house, and the couples are seated in these with a cloth between them. The ends of their clothes are knotted, the four Agnikula or fire- born clans, the ‘’’Parihar, Chalukya or Solankhi, Panwar and Chauhan’’’, are considered to be the descendants of the White Hun and Gujar invaders of the fifth and sixth centuries. These clans were said to have been created by the gods from a firepit on the summit of Mount Abu for the re-birth of the Kshatriya caste after it had been exterminated by the slaughter of Parasurama the Brahman.And it has been suggested that this legend refers to the cruel massacres of the Huns, by which the bulk of the old aristocracy, then mainly buddhist, was wiped out; while the Huns and Gujars, one at least of whose leaders was a fervent adherent of Brahmanism and slaughtered the Buddhists of the Punjab, became the new fire-born clans on being absorbed into Hinduism. The name of the Huns is still retained in the Huna clan, now almost extinct. There remain the clans descended from the sun through Rama, and it would be points out that the Buddha here referred origin. o is probably the planet Mercury. 31 chalukya clan and rulers were Bhoya /Bhoi People and they have ruled the odissa desh in 16th centrury about 234 years by 12 kings were ruled the country. 32,33,34,35,36,37,38,39 The Boya village histry at Pali district at Rasjastan tell the history of boya and they known as Rajput. 40 Important history in the nayaka’s Prataprudradeva inherited a vast kingdom which was however fast declining. By that time the kingdom of Vijayanagar was rapidly rising as a rival of Orissa.In 1509 when The Solar Race, Prataprudra led a campaign against Vijayanagar, Krushnadeva Raya had just succeeded to the throne of other kingdom, but before a decisive battle was fought Sultan Allauddin Hussan Shah of Bengal invaded Orissa and advanced as far as her capital. So P rataprudradeva was forced to give up war with Vijayanagar and rushed back to his capital. Sultan Hussan Shah was defeated and was driven back beyond the borders of Orissa. But in the south Krishnadeva Raya acquired an easy victory over Orissan army. The last war Krishnadeva Raya with the army of Orissa was fought in 1519 and this time also he came out victorious.Durinmg this last war he is said to have burnt the city of Katak. Subsequently a treaty was concluded between Orissa and Vijayanagar in August 1519. According to the treaty the river Krishna formed the southern boundary of Orissa. Krishnadeva Raya married Jaganmohini, the daughter of Prataprudradeva. Prataprudradeva succeeded in retaining his kingdom from the Ganges to the Krishna inspite of military defeats. During his rule Orissa made great advancement in the sphere of religion and culture. Sri Chaitanya who came to Orissa in 1510 preached the gospel of Vaishnavism and had a great impact on the religion and culture of Oris sa. 41,42,43Markable Nayaka in Deity Services The Boya hunter Kannappa Nayanar donate his eyes to Lord Siva. 44,45,46 sree Bhaktha Kannappa/ Sree Kannappa Nayanar [pic] Sree bhaktha kannapa was known as boya thinnadu by his parants Temples of Boya Nayak Sree Poori Jeganathar Temple [pic] Sree Poori Jeganathar Temple, orissa, from 16th century to till now the Boya king trusties taking care of temple. 47,48 Sree Bhoya Konda Gangamma Temple [pic]   [pic] Gangamma Temple In Boyakonda , Chittoor Gangamma is the incarnation of Shakti. Located at Chowdepalli, Chittoor District, near Tirupati, Andhra Pradesh, her temple is dedicated to the sister of Venkateswara.Centuries ago the tribals Boyas and Yelikas lived in the forest area around the hillock. They stood up and resented the repressive and automatic rule of the Nawabs. They retaliated against the Muslim soldiers and chased them. The Golconda Nawab rushed additional troops to crush the revolt. Boya tribals could not withstand the onsl aught of the Muslim army and fled into the forest and prostrated near the hillock and prayed Almighty to save them. The spirit of the Goddess Shakti descended from the hillock, shielded the tribals and crushed the Nawab's army.Local people say that the Shakti has tied the heads of soldiers to banyan tree branches. 49 sree chenna Kesava Perumal Temple [pic] Sree Chenakesava temple , Kadavakallu. This village is about 20 km from Tadipatri on the Kondapuram-Goddumarri road in Putlur mandal, and also known as Kalava-Koladu and it was the seat of local chiefs, ie. Boya Palegars. The temple Chennakesava was constructed by Messa Thimma Naidu, a Boya palegar. The temple has garbhagriha, antrala ,mukhamandapa and faces west. are of Nagara order. The sikhara of this temple is decorated with stucco vainasanava sculptures.This temple is dated to 16th century A. D. 50 Role of Boya Nayaka's in Temple Developments The Boya Nayaka’s done many donations to the temple in various periods. 51 Im portant Boya Nayaka Politicians [pic] Dr. B. R. Ambedkar come from Mahar community and it was a sub section of Bhoya community. 52,53 References 1. People of India Uttar Pradesh Volume XLII Part Three edited by A Hasan & J C Das pages 1092 to 1094 Manohar Publications 2. People of India Uttar Pradesh Volume XLII Part Three edited by A Hasan & J C Das pages 1092 to 1094 Manohar Publications 3. Wilson Hunter (1885).The imperial gazetteer of India – Contributor: University of Massachusetts, Boston first1=William. 3. Trubner & co.. p. 428 location=London. Retrieved 2012-10-17. 4. Thurston, Edgar; Rangachari, K. (1909). Castes and Tribes of Southern India. V (M to P). Madras: Government Press. p. 138-139. Retrieved 2012-03-24. 5. Thurston, Edgar; Rangachari, K. (1909). Castes and Tribes of Southern India. V (M to P). Madras: Government Press. p. 138. Retrieved 2012-03-24. 6. Thurston, Edgar; Rangachari, K. (1909). Castes and Tribes of Southern India. V (M to P). Madras: Government Press. p. 139. Retrieved 2012-03-24. . The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India. III. London: Macmillan and Co. , Limited St. Martin’s Street, London. 1916. p. 215. Retrieved 2012-10-31. 8. â€Å"CASTES†. Maharastra: Govt. of Maharastra. 2012. p. 1. Retrieved 2012-10-31. 9. Thurston, Edgar; Rangachari, K. (1909). Castes and Tribes of Southern India. I (A to B). Madras: Government Press. p. 187. Retrieved 2012-10-11. 10. CASTES AND TRIBES OF H. E. H. THE NIZAM'S DOMINIONS. I. BOMBAY: THE TIMES PRESS. 1920. p. 77-84. Retrieved 2012-10-31. 11. [http://archive. org/stream/cu31924088964154/cu31924088964154_djvu. xt THE CASTES AND TRIBES OF H. E. H. THE NIZAM'S DOMINIONS]. I. MADRAS: THE TIMES PRESS. 1920. p. 34-43. Retrieved 2012-10-24. 12. – CHANGE OF GROUP FROM ‘D’ TO GROUP ‘A’ IN THE LIST of B. C. s, MUDIRAJ, MUTRASI, TENUGOLLU CASTE (1994). Castes and Tribes of Southern India. pdf. Andhra Pradesh: Government Press. p. 1. Retrieved 2012-10-10. 13. The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India. II. London: Macmillan and Co. , Limited St. Martin’s Street, London. 1916. p. 108-112. Retrieved 2012-10-31. 14. Thurston, Edgar; Rangachari, K. (1909). Castes and Tribes of Southern India. II ( C to J ).Madras: Government Press. p. 308. Retrieved 2012-11-09. 15. Thurston, Edgar; Rangachari, K. (1909). Castes and Tribes of Southern India. I (A to B). Madras: Government Press. p. 187. Retrieved 2012-10-11. 16. Thurston, Edgar; Rangachari, K. (1909). Castes and Tribes of Southern India. I (A to B). Madras: Government Press. p. 185. Retrieved 2012-10-11. 17. Thurston, Edgar; Rangachari, K. (1909). Castes and Tribes of Southern India. V ( M to P ). Madras: Government Press. p. 427. Retrieved 2012-11-09. 18. The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India. IV. London: Macmillan and Co. , Limited St.Martin’s Street, London. 1916. p. 413. Retrieved 2012-10-31. 19. CHANDRAGUPTA MAURYA. 1 . Lucknow: The Upper India Publishing House ltd . ,. 1935. p. 29. Retrieved 2012-11-21. 20. â€Å"MAURYA DYNASTY†. Retrieved 2012-11-21. 21. â€Å"The Maurya Empire†. Retrieved 2012-11-21. 22. The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India. II. London: Macmillan and Co. , Limited St. Martin’s Street, London. 1916. p. 300-304. Retrieved 2012-10-31. 23. The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India. I. London: Macmillan and Co. , Limited St. Martin’s Street, London. 1916. p. 63. Retrieved 2012-10-31. 24.The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India. II. London: Macmillan and Co. , Limited St. Martin’s Street, London. 1916. p. 300-304. Retrieved 2012-10-31. 25. The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India. III. London: Macmillan and Co. , Limited St. Martin’s Street, London. 1916. p. 493. Retrieved 2012-10-31. 26.

History of Comesa Essay

The Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa traces its genesis to the mid 1960s. The idea of regional economic co-operation received considerable impetus from the buoyant and optimistic mood thatcharacterised the post-independence period in most of Africa. The mood then was one of pan-African solidarity and collective self-reliance born ofa shared destiny. It was under these circumstances that, in 1965,the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) convened a ministerial meeting ofthe then newly independent states of Eastern and Southern Africa to consider proposals for the establishment of a mechanismfor the promotion of sub-regionaleconomic integration. The meeting, which was held in Lusaka, Zambia, recommended the creation of an Economic Community of Eastern and Central African states. An Interim Council of Ministers, assisted by an Interim Economic Committee of officials, was subsequently set up to negotiate the treaty and initiate programmes on economic co-operation, pending the completion of negotiations on thetreaty. In 1978, at a meeting of Ministers of Trade, Finance and Planning in Lusaka, the creation of a sub-regional economic community was recommended, beginning with a sub-regional preferential trade area which would be gradually upgraded over a ten-year period to a common market until the community had been established. To this end, the meeting adopted the â€Å"Lusaka Declaration of Intent and Commitment to the Establishment of a Preferential Trade Area for Eastern and Southern Africa† (PTA) and created an Inter-governmental Negotiating Team on the Treaty for the establishment of the PTA. The meeting also agreed on an indicative time-table for the work of the Intergovernmental Negotiating Team. After the preparatory work had been completed a meeting of Heads of State and Government was convened in Lusaka on 21st December 1981 at which the Treaty establishing the PTA was signed. The Treaty came into forceon 30th September 1982 after it had been ratified by more than seven signatory states as provided for in Article 50 of the Treaty. The PTA was established to take advantage of a larger market size, to share the region’s common heritage and destiny and to allow greater social and economic co-operation, with the ultimate objective being to create an economic community. The PTA Treaty envisaged its transformation into a Common Market and, in conformity with this, the Treaty establishing the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, COMESA, was signed on 5th November 1993 in Kampala, Uganda and was ratifieda year later in Lilongwe, Malawi on8th December 1994. It is important to underline the fact that the establishment of PTA,and its transformation into COMESA, was in conformity with the objectives of the Lagos Plan ofAction (LPA) and the Final Act of Lagos (FAL) of the Organisation ofAfrican Unity (Organisation of African unity). Both the LPA and the FAL envisaged an evolutionaryprocess in the economic integration of the continent in which regional economic communities would constitute building blocks upon which the creation of an African Economic Community (AEC) would ultimately be erected.

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SEE BELOW Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

SEE BELOW - Essay Example evolutionary proposition since many thinkers have proposed that we would be better as a society and improve ourselves as human beings if there were no gods. Clearly a lot of violence and bloodshed in human history has been the result of devoted faith and confirmed adherence to certain viewpoints (the crusades come to mind as a good example). Yet at the same time, religion and the idea of god is a comforting thought to many people and simply overthrowing that idea is not an easy task nor could be done at the earliest convenience. It seems that the overthrow demanded and recommended by the noted authority has little to do with the will of god since a person’s freewill is not controlled by god in any way. Had Zeus been able to control the will of Prometheus, he would not have any need to chain him or imprison him in any way. With a simple snap of his fingers Zeus could have discovered anything he wanted. This shows that a person can revolt against god and the power of god would not extend to controlling his or her freewill. Clearly, there is no reconciliation between the will of Prometheus and the commands given by Zeus. Zeus as the character of god can hurt Prometheus, put him in chains, persuade him, send him messengers but can not get him to bend to his will unwillingly. Eventually, Zeus can even throw Prometheus into the abyss with a lightning bolt, yet he remains unable to control him the way he wanted to. Finally, the character of Prometheus is quite interesting since he appears to be defying Zeus for no apparent reason. It seems that the defiance is simply for the sake of defiance for he has nothing (for himself) to gain or lose by giving up the information demanded by Zeus. At the same time, he helps Io by giving her some good news about her future. Strangely enough, he seems completely unconcerned about his own future and his safety. The defiance exhibited by Prometheus is quite heroic and one can agree with his description of Zeus as a tyrant. However,

Analysis of Types of Cell Organelles Coursework

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Training and Mentoring Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Training and Mentoring - Essay Example They should be provided with all the information they need to execute those jobs (Anonymous, 1998). Thus it is inevitable that an organization welcomes and seeks out the value-added benefits resulting from training. According to Rosner, (1999) "training can be a great investment and training can be a waste of money." Of course, training can prove a waste of money if it does not deliver the goods. The key is to recognize the problems attributing to deficiencies in training and then assure that the correct training is imparted (Gupta 1999). Without the correct training, employees can be the organization's major liability. But if they are trained well, they can become an asset (Bartram and Gibson, 2000). Rosner (1999, p.43) states, "The most effective programs train workers in new behaviors and then train managers to support employees as they apply learning daily". Thus, if the training imparted has to be counted, then it should match directly to the requirements of the organization and people in it. One device that can be used is to accomplish this in the 'Training Needs Assessment.' The element of training that is chosen as mentoring which got its name after Mentor, Odysseus' family's sage counsellor in Greek mythology, has got increasing notice in recent years. A mentor is one who has accomplished career success and counsels and guides another for the purpose of helping him/her attain like success. An organization should always have research supervisors who can be mentors; they have the liability to discuss with and counsel a trainee on vistas of his/her work and professional development. The trainee can also find additional mentors informally or the organization may designate them. They are very significant in the complete experience of the trainee and may add to research output as well. In addition to determining what the employees have to learn, and providing them with mentors, the broad range of training delivery methods these days calls for the determination of the best learning method for the employees. Some of the general delivery methods are Instructor-Led Classroom training, Computer Based Training, Web Based Training, One-on-One, and Self-Study Guides. 2. How will these concepts impact you personally and professionally The concepts of training methods given in the passage if applied will enable an employee to be self disciplined and will inspire him to become motivated. The proposed training method will boost the overall personality of the employee. Awareness accrued from the practical training and experimentation as to what to do when and where will increase the self confidence of the employee and will enhance his or her potentiality in managing different situations in the personal life as well as professional environment. The conceptual training if imparted in proper order will increase the self esteem and morale of the employee. Also, it will amplify his professional output and will standardize the interaction process between the customer and himself or with the management. The training mode will become instrumental to create a new outlook in the employee to have harmonious approach in the workplace. The recognition of one's talent throughout the training will satisfy his ego which will make hi m productive. Moreover, it will bring in proper awareness to the latest technologies and information systems. It will also endorse an urge in building up new strategies to bring in

Fukushima Nuclear Plant Disaster Research Paper

Fukushima Nuclear Plant Disaster - Research Paper Example If left unchecked, these can result in casualties equaling or even exceeding the body count of the previous natural disasters. This being the case, this study intends to take a look at the specifics of the incident – what occurred, as well as how and why. Concluding the study shall be a brief reflection on the incident and its immediate and distant aftermath. Table of Contents Abstract 2 Introduction 4 The Disaster 5 Radiation – The Deadly Consequences 8 Reflection 14 Conclusion 15 References 16 Introduction The disaster that occurred at the Fukushima I Nuclear Power Plant last March came right on the heels of the then-recent earthquake and tsunami that rocked the nation. The said occurrence was a consequence of these natural calamities, and was in fact joined by other nuclear accidents all over Japan. However, the one in Fukushima stands out as the largest. In fact, the magnitude of the disaster is said to be comparable to the tragedy at Chernobyl decades ago (Thomson- Reuters, 2011). The comparison to Chernobyl came courtesy of experts on the subject, which should say something on how catastrophic the Fukushima incident was. On the International Nuclear Event Scale, its rating was a 7, exactly the same as that of Chernobyl, whereas the Mile Island Disaster trailed behind at 5. As shall be explained below, the Japanese government tried to dismiss and downplay the incident to extent, but was eventually forced to concede to its magnitude. Fortunately, casualties resulting from the immediate disaster were relatively few. For sure, the natural calamities that preceded the disaster claimed over 9,000 more lives than the accident at Fukushima. Even then, the latter was still hardly equivalent to a slap on the wrist. The death toll immediately following the disaster numbered at 47. Two of these were Fukushima plant workers unlucky enough to get caught in it, and who sustained multiple external injuries before ultimately dying of blood loss. The other 45 who perished had been patients at an evacuated hospital in Futaba, and who had mostly been suffering from dehydration and starvation. Unfortunately, though, the relatively low immediate body count might be balanced out by an even bigger death toll if things are left the way they are now. As with the disaster at Chernobyl – and, more to the point, the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki – the area remains irradiated, and cleanup efforts continue up till today. The threat of radiation is arguably the most terrifying thing to have come out of the disaster. The other consequences which have resulted from the accident cannot be seen by human eyes. However, these are unmistakably there, and can in fact result in a much higher body count if left unchecked. Even as it is now, the constant threat of being irradiated has rendered numerous surrounding villages and neighborhoods uninhabitable, which by itself is already a monumental setback for the unlucky ones living there (Maeda, 2011). The Disaster As already noted, the Fukushima disaster ranks among the biggest nuclear catastrophes in recent history, easily at par with or even exceeding what happened at Chernobyl (Thomson-Reuters, 2011) though still on a somewhat lower scale compared to the Nagasaki and Hiroshima bombs. Considering that multiple reactors were involved at Fukushima, in contrast with

Criminal justice, procedure and human rights Coursework

Criminal justice, procedure and human rights - Coursework Example Of course, these are the extreme limits and the judge imposes sentence based upon the facts of the case. Although by statute there is no distinction drawn between voluntary and involuntary manslaughter, that is to say there is only one crime manslaughter, in general the distinction between the two are commonly acknowledged. There are two major categories that fall within the scope of involuntary manslaughter. These are: Constructive manslaughter assigns guilt to the defendant even though they may not have intended the injury or death of the victim and a reasonable person may not have conceived that the death would result, but the responsibility for the death, none the less, is found in the commission of an illegal "quite unconnected and possibly minor unlawful act" (LAWCOM 237, 1996: p. 13) which resulted in the death. ... Constructive Manslaughter Constructive manslaughter assigns guilt to the defendant even though they may not have intended the injury or death of the victim and a reasonable person may not have conceived that the death would result, but the responsibility for the death, none the less, is found in the commission of an illegal "quite unconnected and possibly minor unlawful act" (LAWCOM 237, 1996: p. 13) which resulted in the death. As found in Creamer1: A man is guilty of involuntary manslaughter when he intends an unlawful act and one likely to do harm to the person and death results which was neither foreseen nor intended. It is the accident of death resulting which makes him guilty of manslaughter as opposed to some lesser offence. In R v Mitchell2, at appeal the court found that several criteria must be met in order to establish that manslaughter due to an unlawful act had been committed. Upon decision the court found that to be convicted the following four conditions need to be met: The defendant committed an illegal act The act was dangerous in that a reasonable and sober person would recognise the inherent danger of act committed The death of the victim resulted from the act The defendant intended to commit the act even though they may not have foreseen the consequence of the death of the defendant In order to understand the criteria of each point required to show cause for a guilty verdict of involuntary manslaughter, it is necessary to review the case law for each of the above points. R v Franklin3 established the precedent that the defendant must have committed an unlawful act in order to be convicted of manslaughter. This was upheld in R. v. Lamb4. In R v Dalby5 the court attempted to establish that the defendant's